“We should be prepared for this to be closer to an election week, as opposed to an Election Day, Michigan Secretary of State Jocelyn Benson warned.
Benson was one of the beneficiaries of an initiative that started with the Secretary of State Project backed by the Democracy Alliance and George Soros. Democrats were convinced that they could have won in 2000 and 2004 if they had controlled state secretary of state posts.
Benson, a veteran of the Southern Poverty Law Center and assorted structural initiatives to benefit Democrat voter strategies nationwide, was backed by a river of cash, with her own fundraising topping $1 million, and iVote throwing in nearly another million.
iVote is a Democrat organization whose goals include mandatory voter registration, universal mail voting, and the end of any measures, like voter ID, to fight voter fraud.
Republicans were outspent 2 to 1 and Michigan got an ‘Election Week’.
While Republicans wasted money, iVote spent $6 million to rig the battleground in key states. Benson took control in Michigan, while in Arizona, a state where the Republican candidate was expected to win, Katie Hobbs, another radical leftist, won in a close election in 2018.
Arizona Democrats spent over $2 million just on TV ads for Hobbs. $895,000 came from iVote.
In Colorado, another Republican favored to win in a state where the secretary of state was usually a GOPer, was cut off at the knees by another leftist backed by a ton of outside cash.
Jena Griswold vastly outraised the Republican incumbent with most of the money coming from out of state. This year, she sent out a fundraising letter, falsely accusing President Trump of an “assault on democracy” after spending years attacking him on Twitter.
While Republicans were riding high, Democrats were taking over elections in key states. For mere millions, they managed to secure control of the election systems at the heart of the fraud.
Every state but one that had a Democrat acting as secretary of state was called for Biden.
Michigan, Arizona, and Colorado were among the key battleground targets in 2018. The Democrats didn’t get all the seats they wanted. After making Deidre DeJear, an Obama staffer endorsed by him, into a star, bringing top Democrats to campaign with her, and outspending Republicans, 3 to 1, her Republican opponent still decisively won Iowa. DeJear and the Democrats were coming after Iowa’s Voter ID measures, but they failed. In Ohio, Democrats plowed over $2 million into Kathleen Clyde’s campaign and outspent her Republican opponent 5 to 1. And still lost. But even without Ohio and Iowa, the Democrats had built an election map.
Where the Democrats could not secure the office, as in Nevada, they used the pandemic as a pretext for rigging the election. In Nevada, Governor Sisolak rejected a push by Secretary of State Barbara Cegavske requiring the registration of ballot harvesters, after ramming through a bill requiring universal mail-in ballots and legalizing harvesting. But having control of the actual office was still crucial in the battleground states that Democrats were counting on in 2020.
The office was linked up with top leftist PACs and organizations. They selected candidates whose real appeal wasn’t local, but urban, young women with Ivy League degrees and hipster glasses, young black activists, and leftists with a penchant for cultural warfare who would draw in the real money from California and New York into obscure state elections in the midwest.
Once in office, they began following a map for revamping statewide election systems in ways that would favor Democrats and disfavor Republicans. In Michigan, a hard fought battle was fought over a Democrat plan to implement ballot harvesting and count ballots received two weeks after the election. Conservative activists sued over inflated voter rolls, including registration rates in Leelanau County that exceeded the number of adults.
But while a few battles were won, the war was lost once Benson was able to send out absentee ballots to 7.7 million people, rewriting election law, and getting away with it. In September, Benson announced an election partnership with Detroit in which her office would train 6,000 election workers while altering ballot counting practices. Detroit was at the center of the glaring abuses in Michigan which has led one former secretary of state to call for an investigation.
Democrats had vastly outspent Republicans on pushing through Proposal 3, a grab bag of Democrat goodies, including straight ticket voting, automatic voter registration, same day voter registration and universal absentee voting. The Republican failure to put up a serious fight against Proposal 3 in 2018, long before the pandemic, had largely doomed Michigan.
Once again, Democrats and the Left, for a pittance, had rigged the 2020 election in 2018.
In Colorado, Griswold had her own ambitious plans, including ‘fixing’ ballots by text message, bypassing election clerks, and showering election judges with cash. Postcards were dispatched to everyone, including the dead, urging them to vote. Judicial Watch noted that in 40 of Colorado’s 64 counties, voter registration rates were higher than the number of adult citizens.
Meanwhile, Griswold was threatening, “I will include @realDonaldTrump in the referral for prosecution. He may not have presidential immunity anymore depending on the election.”
In Arizona, Katie Hobbs desperately fought to keep Brnovich v. Democratic National Committee, a case involving the state’s ballot harvesting and out-of-precinct voting ban that had been illegally struck down by 9th Circuit Court Democrat judges.
While the case went to the Supreme Court, Hobbs and Arizona Democrats are still fighting it.
Meanwhile Hobbs demanded an investigation of the Trump administration over mail-in ballots.
In 2018, Democrats struck a calculated blow against the electoral system, one that paid off tremendously when a pandemic arrived that allowed them to carry out their wildest plans. But these plans were already in the pipeline long before the pandemic provided an excuse.
There are many lessons that Republicans ought to learn from 2020, but the biggest of them is studying and understanding the larger battlefield and the levers of power behind the scenes.
The Left excels at understanding and exploiting these levers. The Right does not. The Left deploys grand schemes for transforming institutions through a roadmap of policies that unfold across generations. Meanwhile the Right, all too often, has no plan beyond this year.
When it comes to elections, the Left’s plan has been abundantly clear for a long time.
Eliminate all election safeguards, maximize the flow of ballots, and control the count so that a huge torrent of ballots, beyond checking or verifying, rains down in a prolonged process, of Election Week rather than Election Day, with plenty of opportunities to ‘find more ballots’.
The roadmap’s policies, universal registration and absentee voting, along with ballot harvesting, allowing Democrat groups to collect massive amounts of ballots, have also been very clear.
Count every vote, but make sure that no votes actually count.
This war on Election Day had its biggest victory in 2020. And if the pandemic goes on, so will the progressive dismantling of our electoral system and its replacement with mass fraud.
Election Day is at stake.
If Biden ends up in the White House, it will be partly due to Republican losses in Arizona, Michigan, and Colorado, not in 2020, but in 2018. That year, Democrat operatives prepared for 2020 by flipping a secretary of state seat that Republicans had held in Colorado for six decades, and seats that Republicans had been favored to win in Arizona and Michigan. That combined with the loss of Pennsylvania’s governorship in 2014 and 2018 and the secretary of state office with it, set up the real invisible election battlefield waged behind the scenes by election officials.
The battle for Election Day is not just a fight to win elections, but to protect their integrity.
The Democrat operatives embedded in 2018 were following a nationwide strategy while Republicans holding secretary of state offices are usually just local officials with no bigger plan.
Republicans hold the majority of secretary of state offices, but they’ve been slow to adapt to a Democrat project that has been underway for two decades. And conservatives have not been as enthusiastic about fundraising for an obscure state office even while leftists have poured millions into them as part of a larger master plan that succeeded in 2018 and unfolded in 2020.
In 2022, secretary of state offices will be up for grabs in Colorado, Illinois, Arizona, Ohio, and Michigan. Democrats have a plan to seize control of Election Day and abolish it forever.
Do conservatives have a plan to save Election Day?