Daniel Greenfield: The Murder of a Jewish Girl in Germany
On May 22, Susanna Maria Feldman went missing. It was the day after the Jewish holiday of Shavuot which celebrates G-d’s revelation of the Ten Commandments to Moses and a nation of freed slaves.
The fifth commandment is, “Honor thy father and mother.” The sixth is, “Thou shalt not murder.”
And in the German city of Mainz, whose Jewish community dates back to Roman times, a worried mother waited for the worst. Susanna had gone off with her friends. They came home. And she didn’t.
Her mother received a WhatsApp message from her daughter’s phone on the afternoon of the 22nd. “Mom, I’m not coming home. I went to Paris with my friend. Don’t look for me. I’ll come back after 2 or 3 weeks. Bye.”
According to Diana, Susanna’s mother, the message sounded nothing like her daughter. 4 hours later, the teenage girl’s phone was switched off. There was nothing more.
“I hope and pray that nothing bad has happened to her,” she posted on Facebook. “Please help me find my daughter safe again.”
The police reassured the frantic mother that her daughter had just gone off with some friends and would come back on her, but she feared the worst while the authorities stonewalled.
On June 1, she published an open letter to Chancellor Angela Merkel in which she wrote, “I feel abandoned by the German state.”
Two weeks passed. The police searched. Dogs sniffed around but found nothing. And then someone noticed a flash of white among all that brown and green. It was the white of a clothing label.
They found her body between the railroad tracks and Autobahn 66. The killer had stashed the girl under a bush and covered her over with twigs to keep the body out of sight and to buy him some time.
Susanna’s body had been dumped a few hundred meters from the refugee shelter where her alleged killer had been living. The traffic noise of the highway would have covered any sounds the young Jewish girl might have made as a Muslim refugee brutally raped and then strangled her to death.
At only 14, a year younger than Anne Frank when she died, Susanna had been murdered in Germany. The teenage girl had been strangled to death after being raped. Her killer then boasted of the crime.
While the German police were searching for Susanna’s body, the Bashar family, all eight of them, were on their way back to Iraq. The Bashar clan had been living in a refugee shelter even though they were apparently able to afford to book eight tickets to Turkey. The tickets were bought under different names than the ones they had used to apply for asylum in Germany. By June 2, they were back in Iraq.
That same day, Susanna’s mother posted a Facebook message announcing that it was the 11th day. “Every passing day is a nightmare and hell for us!!! Also her little sister misses her.”
At the airport Ali had showed his residence papers, under the name Ali Bashar, and his ticket under a different name, and a Laissez-passer emergency passport in Arabic issued by the Iraqi embassy.
German airports had apparently become so used to migrants traveling under various names that they didn’t blink an eye.
The residents of the refugee asylum had watched the Bashar clan packing up as if they were leaving for good. They told one resident that they were facing deportation. Another resident heard that they were going on vacation. When Ali’s mother was asked where the Bashar clan was going, she answered Berlin.
Like so much else, that was a lie.
Around midnight, they left by the back door, got into two cars and then they were gone.
Ali Bashar, one of the six sons, had come to Germany through Turkey and Greece. He had arrived in Germany in the fall of 2015 at the height of Merkel’s migration crisis. Since then, he had been accused of raping an 11-year-old girl in a refugee shelter, attacking a policewoman and robbing a man at knifepoint
His asylum application had been rejected at the end of 2016. Bashar claimed to have been threatened by the PKK, a Kurdish group fighting against ISIS and Turkey.
But he appealed, and was allowed to stay on in Germany until he finally killed.
In April of last year, Ali Bashar was suspected of being in a brawl. In February of this year, he was linked to an assault. In March, he bumped into a policewoman and spat on her. Next month, he was accused of robbing a man with a knife. And he was caught with an illegal knife.
Despite that, he was still allowed to stay on even as the policewoman case moved through the system.
But next month, Ali Bashar allegedly did more than hurt his victims. He finally committed a murder.
Ali Bashar had spent most of his time hanging out in the Wiesbaden city center, going back to the refugee shelter only to sleep, and Susanna had gone to the Wiesbaden city center with her friends.
When the authorities moved the Bashars from Giessen to Wiesbaden, they signed a girl’s death warrant. The brand new Weisbaden refugee shelter built in 2016 has become the gateway to a cemetery.
And the same is true of every refugee shelter.
The 20-year-old Muslim refugee boasted of his crime to a 13-year-old in the refugee shelter. Ali’s younger brother had known Susanna and that may have made the rapist and killer’s work easier.
With that information, the police began searching around the refugee shelter and found Susanna. Ali Bashar fled to Kurdistan. And there he made a mistake. The Kurds arrested him and sent him back.
Ali Bashar is not the first refugee to have committed an atrocity in Germany. And he won’t be the last.
The authorities know how to handle this sort of thing. There are police officers patrolling outside the refugee shelter. Are they there to protect those on the outside from those on the inside?
Or are they there to provide security to the denizens of the shelter?
Despite the recent rash of anti-Semitic incidents, the authorities insisted that there had been no anti-Semitic motive in a Muslim attack on a Jewish teenage girl. But how can a motive be credibly ruled out when the alleged killer hasn’t been interviewed by the police and isn’t even in their custody?
The Green Party’s Annalena Baerbock declared that nobody should, “presume to abuse the death of this girl to sow hatred.”
That right is exclusively reserved for the migrant population that the Green Party welcomed in.
A German poll of refugees last year found that more than half hold anti-Semitic views. Even before the migrant flood, German police had noted the rising number of Muslims arrested for anti-Semitic acts. In polls, Jews in Germany listed Muslims as the group most likely to harass or attack them.
In one Berlin school, Muslim students openly boasted, “If a Jew enters our school, he’ll get beaten up – I’d beat him up too.”
In German cities, Muslim mobs have chanted, “Hamas Hamas Jews to the gas!” German courts ruled that firebombing a synagogue previously torched by the Nazis was anti-Zionist rather than anti-Semitic.
When an Israeli Arab wore a Jewish kippa to test the level of anti-Semitism, he was assaulted by a thug shouting, “Jew” at him. The attacker was a Syrian refugee.
After the attack, Merkel had vowed to act “with full force and resolve”. Where is that resolve now?
As the search for Susanna wrapped up, a Jewish teenager in Germany was attacked by Muslim thugs who heard the music he was listening to. “Berlin is ours now,” they shouted, “and you won’t listen to crappy Jewish music here.”
Ali Bashar made a spot near his refugee shelter into his own. The girl who was left there will no longer listen to music. And there is no shelter anywhere, in Germany or America, from the “refugees.”
Follow Daniel Greenfield’s blog Sultan Knish.